Self-reliance of science and technology is the strategic support of national development, and basic research is the cornerstone of self-reliance of science and technology.
　　For the scientific and technological circles in China, the ability and output of basic research are still short-board. In order to fill this short board, the 14th Five-Year Plan proposes to "strengthen basic research and pay attention to original innovation", "encourage enterprises to increase investment in research and development, and implement tax incentives for enterprises to invest in basic research", "support the development of high-level research universities and strengthen the training of basic research talents".
　　So, how to strengthen China’s basic research ability and enhance its innovation strategy ability? China Journal of Science interviewed representatives from scientific research institutes, universities and enterprises.
　　Scientific research institutes: the advantages are obvious. Relaxation must be moderate.
　　Scientific research institutes are the main body of original innovation work, and Chinese Academy of Sciences is the main position of basic research.
　　"Scientific research institutes in China include institutes of Chinese Academy of Sciences and research institutes of various ministries and commissions. Research institutes of ministries and commissions pay more attention to application and are closely integrated with industry; The Chinese Academy of Sciences has both pure basic disciplines and research oriented to application and meeting the major strategic needs of the country. The number of researchers is large, and the disciplines are relatively comprehensive, which is convenient for interdisciplinary research. These are the advantages of the Chinese Academy of Sciences in carrying out basic research. " In an interview with the China Science Journal, Zhou Zhonghe, an academician of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and a researcher at the Institute of vertebrate paleontology and Paleoanthropology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, said.
　　As the saying goes, "everything depends on human effort", to stimulate the innovation strength of basic research in scientific research institutes, we must first stimulate the innovation enthusiasm of scientific research personnel. At the same time, Zhou Zhonghe, a member of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, said that the policy guidance for basic research at the national level is an encouragement to young people, but the policy support should not be too utilitarian. The stable funds, the support of platform equipment, infrastructure construction and the living conditions of young talents will all affect the enthusiasm of basic researchers.
　　He suggested that the original innovation of "from 0 to 1" needs to have a foundation, support and atmosphere, and the problems of "release" and "management" should be handled well; Scientific decision-making needs to deal with the issues of democracy and centralization, and major scientific research projects should be decided by real scientists; In addition, it is necessary for the whole society to unite scientific consensus, improve scientific quality, and make leading cadres and scientific managers truly realize the importance of basic research.
　　Science and technology enterprises: not eager for quick success and quick success, implementing good policies
　　In recent years, the issue of how scientists escape from enterprises and how academics and businesses are compatible has been continuously concerned by public opinion. Shen Zhiqiang, deputy to the National People’s Congress and chairman of Shandong Ludu Biotechnology Co., Ltd., has a clear understanding of the responsibilities and present situation of enterprises in basic research.
　　"Universities and enterprises are very different in the starting point and foothold of basic research. Colleges and universities are scientific problem-oriented and answer the question of ‘(Why’, while enterprises are technical problem-oriented and goal-oriented and answer the question of ‘(How’. " Shen Zhiqiang said.
　　He said, taking gene editing technology as an example, the basic research in colleges and universities will study why gene editing technology can realize large-scale editing and transformation of genome with high efficiency and low miss rate, while the basic research and development in enterprises will study how to realize large-scale editing and transformation of genome with high efficiency and low miss rate, and use technology to create new cells, new vaccines, new products, etc., improve the efficacy of existing products, and promote innovative development in the fields of biological manufacturing and disease diagnosis and treatment.
　　Shen Zhiqiang said that they have established Industry-University-Research strategic partnership with more than 100 universities and research institutes at home and abroad to speed up R&D and innovation and enhance the original innovation capability.
　　Regarding "encouraging enterprises to increase investment in R&D and implementing tax incentives for enterprises to invest in basic research", he said that these policies will help mobilize the original innovation enthusiasm of enterprises.
　　"It is difficult to see results without determination in basic research." Shen Zhiqiang suggested that in the process of policy implementation, local party committees and governments at all levels should solve the worries of scientific and technological personnel engaged in basic research, give special rewards to scientific and technological personnel who have made breakthrough contributions, and give special rewards to the principal responsible persons of enterprises, and put the policy of supporting basic research in place.
　　Research University: Building a Platform to Look at the Starry Sky
　　Shen Manhong, a deputy to the National People’s Congress who has worked in Hangzhou University, Zhejiang University, Zhejiang Sci-Tech University and Ningbo University, is now the party secretary of Zhejiang A&F University. His working experience in many universities has made him see the advantages and possibilities of universities in basic research.
　　"Colleges and universities undertake basic functions such as personnel training, scientific research, social services, cultural inheritance and innovation. Compared with enterprises, colleges and universities are more likely to look up at the stars and do basic research in pure science or theory. Compared with scientific research institutes, scientific research in colleges and universities can achieve the organic combination of’ scientific research and educating people’ and’ educating people and scientific research’.’ Scientific research and educating people’ means cultivating talents, especially high-level talents such as masters and doctors, and’ educating people and scientific research’ means constantly discovering, proposing and exploring scientific problems in the process of cultivating talents, so that basic research can continue. " Shen Manhong said.
　　He said that to strengthen basic research in colleges and universities, first, we should create a discipline platform for basic research by supporting the discipline construction and degree program construction of basic disciplines such as mathematics, physics, literature, history and philosophy; Second, teachers and doctoral students should be encouraged to open up new research fields through the establishment of interdisciplinary funds; Third, we should concentrate on building scientific research platforms to support basic research, such as setting up mathematical research centers and nano-research institutes, gathering innovative talents and promoting major research in basic research.
　　Shen Manhong fully recognizes the current incentive policy for basic research, and he also said that there is still room for further optimization of the policy. "First, based on the basic position of disciplines, give priority to ensuring the construction of basic disciplines; Second, based on the public goods attribute of basic research, strengthen the establishment of national foundation for basic research; The third is to promote the reform of classification evaluation of scientific research based on the differences between disciplines and scientific research. " Shen Manhong said.
　　(Originally published in China Science Journal, 1st edition, March 5, 2021)

　　This year marks the 95th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC). As Socialism with Chinese characteristics’s participating parties that have cooperated with the Communist Party of China (CPC), why do the democratic parties consciously insist on accepting the Communist Party of China (CPC)’s leadership? This needs to start from history. History shows that the democratic parties concerned with the future and destiny of the country and the nation gradually realized that only the Communist Party of China (CPC) can truly save the people in from the mire, and finally chose to cooperate with the Communist Party of China (CPC) historically. In view of the past, I have the resources to govern the road. Looking back on history and looking forward to the future, we firmly believe that under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation will surely come true.

　　Most of the major democratic parties in China were founded during War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the War of Liberation. Their relationship with the Communist Party of China (CPC) has experienced repeated trade-offs and long-term ideological games, and even paid the price of blood. From the initial mutual exclusion and opposition to gradual understanding and trust, from initial conservative cooperation to comprehensive unity and cooperation, from sympathy, support and closeness to communist party, to consciously accepting the leadership of communist party, they solemnly chose multi-party cooperation and achieved a historic leap in politics.

　　The choice of democratic parties to follow communist party depends on the development and changes of China’s social history and the development of communist party and democratic parties.

　　1. Li Zongren once said to Li Jishen, Shen Junru and Tao Xingzhi: "Chiang Kai-shek did not have the heart to save the country and the people, but communist party did.".

　　After modern times, in the face of the rise and fall of the nation and national security, many people with lofty ideals made unremitting efforts to seek ways to save the nation from extinction, put forward and practice their own political opinions, set up different political parties, and followed the example of the West to implement the parliamentary system and multi-party system, which broke away from the historical theme, consumed the progressive power and lost the correct direction.

　　As the survival of more than 300 political parties in China after the Revolution of 1911, the Kuomintang initiated the first cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party under the guidance of Sun Yat-sen’s democratic revolutionary line, which gave birth to the left-wing faction of the Kuomintang in that year and accumulated strength for the democratic parties in the future. However, after Chiang Kai-shek usurped the victory of the Northern Expedition, the Kuomintang changed from an alliance of the bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, the working class and the peasant class to a reactionary group representing the interests of the landlord class and the comprador bourgeoisie, forming a situation of "one political party, one doctrine and one leader".

　　Counting from the League founded by Sun Yat-sen, although the Communist Party of China (CPC) was founded 16 years later than the Kuomintang, it represented the fundamental interests of the working class and the people of the whole country, grasped the trend of the times, the historical trend and the aspirations of the people, and gradually became a political party opposed to the Kuomintang after the 1920s.

　　Many founders of democratic parties, such as Zhang Lan, Shen Junru, Huang Yanpei, Ma Xulun, Xu Deheng, etc., experienced great changes in the times since the Revolution of 1911, pursued the truth of saving the country and the people, determined to help the country and joined the democratic revolution. As witnesses of this period of history, their experiences, introspection, anxiety and hope laid an ideological foundation for the emergence and development of democratic parties.

　　The democratic parties were gradually bred and produced under this background. Some of them were separated from the political parties and groups that emerged after the failure of the Great Revolution, some were produced from the progressive forces of the Kuomintang, some were brewed and organized during the Anti-Japanese War, and some were established during the War of Liberation. They are different from political parties in some western countries and are not the product of the struggle between different political factions in parliament.

　　The social foundations of democratic parties are mainly the national bourgeoisie, the urban petty bourgeoisie and their intellectuals and patriotic Democrats. Because of historical opportunities and class limitations, there are obstacles and pressures everywhere in backward China.

　　Because imperialism simply doesn’t want to support China’s national bourgeoisie to monopolize the chaotic and complicated political stage, the Kuomintang implements one-party dictatorship and restricts and oppresses all democratic forces. The democratic parties lack revolutionary ideas and courage and are unable to assume the leadership responsibility of the China revolution.

　　Due to the weakness of the national bourgeoisie and the laxity of the petty bourgeoisie, although there are many "social elites", the democratic parties lack efficient organizations, and can only form some parties that are basically composed of representative figures, scattered in strength and few in personnel, and appear as moderate reformist parties from the very beginning.

　　Because it is impossible for the democratic parties to form a powerful independent political force outside the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, in order to achieve their own goals, in the limited political space, they are bound to follow a political party that recognizes each other, has the ability and courage, and can support, unite and lead themselves forward.

　　The democratic parties in the mid-20th century were close to communist party? Still close to the Kuomintang? To survive and develop, we can only choose one.

　　Being concerned about the future and destiny of the country and the nation is always the unchanging feeling and goal of the democratic parties, which determines the inherent progress. It is precisely because of this progressiveness that the democratic parties, with the ambition of saving the country and the people, traveled around the world to seek a panacea for governing the country, put forward and implemented various ideas such as "saving the country through education", "saving the country through science" and "saving the country through industry", and gradually saw with progressive eyes that communist party was not only the vanguard of the working class, but also the vanguard of the Chinese nation and the people of China. With a progressive attitude, I gradually realized that only communist party can turn the tide and save the people in from the mire.

　　In a sense, the democratic parties chose to follow communist party, which is determined by their genes and doomed historical arrangement.

　　Second, Soong Ching Ling attacked the Kuomintang’s argument that "anti-Japanese must first suppress the Communist Party": "How ridiculous this is! Should we break an arm before going to fight against Japan? "

　　Because of China’s vast territory, large population, complex situation and subtle politics, the democratic parties have extensive contacts with people from all walks of life with their unique social features, and their weight is not small; It has a position in the upper classes of the Kuomintang and local power groups, cultural and educational circles, political and economic circles, scientific circles, patriotic young students and overseas Chinese, and has a great influence; Many newspapers and periodicals have been founded to guide public opinion to influence the political trend, and they are very active in politics, with basically the same pace and great strength. The democratic parties are well aware that the relationship between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party determines the political direction of China. The Kuomintang and the Communist Party also know very well that whoever the democratic parties support will have a political advantage.

　　At the beginning of the Anti-Japanese War, when the democratic parties and communist party made initial contact, they still had some opposition and rejection to each other’s roads and propositions, and they were puzzled and confused about each other’s revolutionary goals and paths. However, they were committed to the prosperity of the country, the rejuvenation of the nation and the happiness of the people, and they shared the same feelings about the dissatisfaction of the Kuomintang, which made psychological preparations for future cooperation.

　　The democratic parties are constantly exploring the point of convergence with communist party. At the beginning of the establishment of the democratic parties, the political program was mainly anti-imperialism, patriotism and striving for democracy, which was basically consistent with communist party’s anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism struggle program; Democratic parties once praised western liberalism, and communist party believed in Marxism, and they had similar views on state power and people’s rights. Democratic parties must seek the support of workers, peasants and revolutionary intellectuals in order to save the country and the people.

　　It was the Japanese imperialism’s invasion of China and the tragic situation of national chaos and family worries that strengthened the belief of the democratic party revolution; It is the great national cohesion and centripetal force of patriotism that unites the proletariat, the national bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie.

　　After the "September 18th Incident" broke out, Chiang Kai-shek was afraid of foreign countries and was cruel at home. Proceeding from the overall interests of the Chinese nation, communist party took the lead in proposing that the Red Army is willing to unite with the people of the whole country and all armed forces to fight against Japan. The democratic parties shared the awakening of communist party’s national spirit and democratic consciousness, enthusiastically supported communist party’s ideas, and exerted great political pressure on Chiang Kai-shek. Communist party published the "August 1st Declaration" on the Long March, and put forward the strategic thinking of the anti-Japanese national united front. The National Salvation Association praised "this policy will have a great influence on China’s politics in the future". However, the Kuomintang never stopped its encirclement and suppression of the Red Army for a moment, and killed Deng Yanda, Yang Xingfo and other Kuomintang leftists, creating internal divisions within the Kuomintang.

　　The democratic parties made a fair judgment on the Kuomintang and the Communist Party: "Only the most determined anti-Japanese can be the natural leaders of China." Resolutely oppose the reactionary policy of "settling in first when you are busy outside", resolutely oppose compromise, division and retrogression, and speak out for unity against aggression, resistance to Japan and national salvation.

　　Chen Mingshu, leader of the Chinese National Revolutionary League, called Chiang Kai-shek to stop the civil war; The Chinese National Liberation Action Committee, the predecessor of the Agricultural Workers’ Party, gradually embarked on the road of cooperation with communist party; More than 280 people, including Shen Junru, Ma Xiangbo, Zhang Naiqi and Zou Taofen, issued declarations, expressing their deep worries about the national peril and their determination to rise up and save the country.

　　At the critical juncture of national peril, unity in the war of resistance is the substantive consensus of cooperation between communist party and the democratic parties. This consensus is the historical source of communist party’s cooperation with democratic parties.

　　After the Zunyi Meeting, communist party realized from the test of life and death that in order to support the development of China’s revolution and modernization, it is necessary to unite all kinds of positive social and political forces and give full play to the role of core forces on the basis of consolidating leadership. Communist party corrected the proposition that "the middle is the most dangerous enemy" and established the policy of winning over and uniting the democratic parties.

　　At the Wayaobao Conference in December 1935, communist party determined the general policy of establishing the anti-Japanese national united front. In the report "On Strategies against Japanese Imperialism", Mao Zedong correctly estimated the political situation at that time, theoretically demonstrated the "related issues of cooperation among all parties in resisting Japan", made clear the organizational form of multi-party cooperation, incisively analyzed the "duality" of the national bourgeoisie’s revolutionary and compromise, and pointed out that the revolution needed not only the main force but also the allied forces. From February to August, 1936, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China successively called for the immediate convening of a national congress to resist Japanese aggression and save the nation, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China put forward six common action programs to the Kuomintang and all parties and factions, and communist party publicly included the Kuomintang in the anti-Japanese national United front for the first time, taking the initiative to change the opposition between the two regimes in the face of national disaster; On the establishment of the anti-Japanese national United front, Mao Zedong personally wrote to more than 70 parties, Democrats, academic teachers and friends, and social dignitaries; The "Xi ‘an Incident" that happened on December 12th was finally settled peacefully, which led to the second cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and the formal formation of the anti-Japanese national united front. Communist party also established a "three-thirds system" regime, taking into account all parties and classes, and handled the relations among various political forces within the anti-Japanese national United front through consultation and democratic coordination, thus uniting all forces to the maximum extent to jointly resist Japan.Mao Zedong stated in his report "the Communist Party of China (CPC)’s Tasks during the Anti-Japanese War" in 1937: "What are the components of the new democratic republic? It includes the proletariat, the peasants, the urban petty bourgeoisie, the bourgeoisie and all domestic elements who agree with the national and democratic revolution. It is the alliance of these classes. " During Liang Shuming’s visit to Yan ‘an in January, 1938, he was deeply impressed by Mao Zedong’s argument that "Japan will lose and China will win" and changed his prejudice against communist party. He published an article saying that "Chiang Kai-shek didn’t have such a great work and article, and no one else did. I think this is a fact".

　　The democratic parties deeply felt that Mao Zedong and his communist party people, regardless of the suspicion and hatred before the Kuomintang’s "April 12th coup" and "July 15th coup" ten years ago, promoted the establishment of an anti-Japanese national united front with great political feelings and social responsibilities, which was a concession of communist party and should be actively cooperated with actions. Democratic parties can only go hand in hand with communist party if they want to survive, develop and realize their political ideals. On January 6th, 1941, the "Southern Anhui Incident" broke out, and the democratic parties were greatly disappointed with the Kuomintang die-hards’ actions of "those who are close to them are painful, while those who are enemies are quick". Chiang Kai-shek did not expect to be strongly condemned by public opinion at home and abroad and to be in an extremely isolated situation, and even less did he expect that the democratic parties would fully sympathize with and stand on communist party’s side.

　　During the whole period of War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, the democratic parties placed high hopes on the Kuomintang from the beginning of the all-round anti-Japanese war to reposing their hopes for national liberation on communist party, and supported each other morally and politically, and formed a tradition of mutual consultation and a de facto alliance. The democratic parties, together with communist party, persisted in the war of resistance, maintained unity and promoted democracy, and gradually United, developed and expanded organizationally, and gradually matured politically.

　　Hu Juewen, the leader of the Democratic National Construction Association, once said, "It was entirely by accident that I got to know communist party." During his inspection tour in northern Shaanxi in 1932, he heard several people say, "If you weren’t the Red Army, you wouldn’t be so kind to us." This shocked him deeply. Hu Juewen said, "I am stubborn by nature. No one can try to force me by power. I won’t buy that. Therefore, I accepted communist party’s leadership, not for no reason. It can be said that it is my own conclusion from decades of personal experience. "

[Observer Network Synthesis] On the 7th, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) unanimously passed the interpretation of Article 104 of the Basic Law. According to a report by Hong Kong Dagong. com on November 9th, the China-Australia Law Exchange Foundation held a press conference on the 8th to support the NPC’s interpretation, arguing that the interpretation filled the vacuum of the common law and did not affect the judicial independence of Hong Kong, stressing that the interpretation was for the benefit of Hong Kong and national sovereignty, and the result was beneficial to the whole Hong Kong society. The Law Society of Hong Kong also issued a statement expressing full confidence in the proper operation of Hong Kong’s judicial system.

However, some legal professionals in Hong Kong were dissatisfied with this and staged a protest.

On November 8, the China-Australia Law Exchange Foundation emphasized that the National People’s Congress interprets the law for the benefit of Hong Kong and safeguarding national sovereignty/source: Dagong.com.

He also took out the tricks of marching and silence.

According to Hong Kong Ming Pao reported on November 8, following the statement of the Hong Kong Bar Association expressing dissatisfaction, the legal profession in Hong Kong launched a black dress parade at 5: 45 pm on the 8 th, from the High Court in Admiralty to the Court of Final Appeal in Central.

The March was initiated by Guo Rongkeng, a member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong Citizens Party, and attended by many legal professionals, including former chairmen of the Bar Association, Martin Lee and Yu Ruowei, chief lecturer of the School of Law of the University of Hong Kong, and barrister Margaret NG. They just marched in silence and didn’t shout slogans along the way. By 6 pm, there were hundreds of people on the scene, and most of the participants were dressed in black.

It is said that about 2,000 people participated in the parade, most of whom were legal professionals. The police said that there were 1,700 people at the peak.

The tail of the procession arrived outside the Court of Final Appeal at 6: 48 pm. All the marchers were declared silent for three minutes by Martin Lee. Later, after Martin Lee paid a simple tribute to the marchers, the procession ended in silence.

As the leader of the opposition in Hong Kong, Martin Lee often goes abroad to "criticize Hong Kong" and takes the initiative to attract foreign forces to intervene in Hong Kong as a "common practice". In recent years, he has frequently gone out to "ask for help" on the topic of political reform. However, he was not given the cold shoulder once or twice in a foreign country. According to the Hong Kong Sing Tao Daily reported on October 22nd, Martin Lee and the former Chief Secretary for Administration of Hong Kong, Anson Chan, were scheduled to meet with New Zealand Deputy Prime Minister english on October 18th, but they received an email on the evening of 17th and were told to cancel the arrangement. Lin Dahui, a former member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, criticized this behavior, saying that it is absolutely understandable that a family has different internal opinions, but it is absolutely wrong to intervene in Hong Kong’s internal affairs with the help of foreign forces, and most Hong Kong people will not accept and agree with it.

Former Chairman of the Hong Kong Bar Association, founder of the Democratic Party, Martin Lee (right), Member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong Citizens Party, Guo Rongkeng (left)/Source: Hong Kong Ming Pao

Hong Kong legal profession black silent procession scene/Source: Hong Kong Ming Pao

Hong Kong barrister Margaret NG/Source: Hong Kong Ming Pao

Martin Lee said that this interpretation of the law has impacted the rule of law and the Legislative Yuan in Hong Kong. The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress has the right to interpret the law, but it has no right to interpret the laws of Hong Kong, including the Oaths and Declarations Ordinance. The NPC is helping the Legislative Council of Hong Kong to legislate and amend laws.

Professor Chen Wenmin, former dean of the Law School of the University of Hong Kong, told the US media before the March that the impact of the NPC interpretation on Hong Kong’s judicial system was "the most severe", especially before the Hong Kong High Court took the oath to review the judgment. This interpretation was a solution to the problems that Hong Kong courts could have solved, which "overthrew the rule of law in Hong Kong" and seriously weakened the confidence of the international community in Hong Kong’s "one country, two systems".

Before the March began, Cherish Group and other groups gathered outside the High Court to support the NPC’s interpretation of the law and demanded that Liang Songheng and You Huizhen, two members of the "New Youth Deal", be disqualified.

Earlier, the Hong Kong Bar Association issued a statement on the 7th, saying that it deeply regretted the NPC’s interpretation of the law.

Chen Wenmin, former Dean of the Law School of the University of Hong Kong/Source: Hong Kong Ming Pao

Hong Kong legal profession: Interpretation of the law is not illegal construction, and the power of interpretation comes from the Constitution.

According to the news of Dagong.com on November 8th, the China-Australia Law Exchange Foundation held a press conference on the 8th, attended by barristers Manguo and Ding Huang, and three lawyers, namely Qian Zhiyong, Ye Xinying and Jian Songnian.

Ma Enguo, chairman of the Foundation, said that the Court of Final Appeal had stated that the interpretation of the the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) law was binding and overriding to all courts in Hong Kong, and after the previous interpretation of the law, the court’s judgment did not point out that the interpretation would affect the judicial independence of the courts in Hong Kong. He criticized people in the legal profession, including the Bar Association, for pointing out that judicial independence was affected.

Marne: Governing "Hong Kong Independence" by Law

The Commonwealth of Man also pointed out that in common law case law, there is no case in local, British, Australian or even Canadian case law about how to take an oath to be qualified, so the judge has no precedent to follow. He can only make a judgment based on "refusing or ignoring" the oath in Article 21 of the Oaths and Declarations Ordinance and "taking an oath according to law" in Article 104 of the Basic Law, which requires inference to explain what "taking an oath according to law" means, and this interpretation has filled this piece of law.

Ma Enguo believes that from the national level, it is also necessary to interpret the law, because the words and deeds of Liang Songheng and You Huizhen, the new youth policy, unreservedly bring out anti-China and "Hong Kong independence" thinking, which represents "Hong Kong independence" in Hong Kong politics. If the central government does not express its position, it will have an impact on national sovereignty and territorial integrity. He emphasized that the state governs the country according to law and "Hong Kong independence" by law, so that laws must be followed and law enforcement must be strict. If the "Hong Kong independence" action is further escalated, he does not rule out that the central government will take action to deal with "Hong Kong independence".

Jian Songnian refutes the theory of "unauthorized construction"

As for some opponents who say that the interpretation of the Basic Law is a modification and unauthorized construction of the Basic Law, Jane Songnian, a member of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, refutes that the interpretation of the Basic Law does not add, delete or modify a word in Article 104 of the Basic Law, but only explains the meaning of the word "law" in "according to law". "Wouldn’t it be more convincing for legislators to explain the original legislative intent themselves? How can it be said that it is illegal? "

Asked if the Oaths and Declarations Ordinance can deal with the swearing-in of Members, is it still necessary to interpret the law? In a radio interview yesterday, Chen Hongyi, a member of the Basic Law Committee, said that the central government’s considerations are not only legal, but also political, including that those who advocate "Hong Kong independence" will enter the Legislative Council, which will impact the bottom line of "one country, two systems" and the central government will release information. If "one country, two systems" continues, it will not tolerate transcendence or challenges.

In addition, the Law Society of Hong Kong also issued a statement on the interpretation of the Basic Law, expressing its recognition that the power of interpretation of the Basic Law belongs to the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC), and it is full of confidence that the judicial system of Hong Kong can operate properly under the "one country, two systems" principle.

Political and legal experts: a heavy blow to the "independence" flame

Yesterday, the Hong Kong and Macao Basic Law Research Center of Shenzhen University held an academic salon to discuss the NPC’s decision to interpret the law. Experts and scholars in Shenzhen and Hong Kong have said that the NPC’s interpretation of the law is an important part of the rule of law in Hong Kong, and its legitimacy, authority and legitimacy are beyond doubt. This NPC interpretation is very timely and necessary, which not only conforms to Hong Kong’s public opinion of opposing "Hong Kong independence" and safeguarding national sovereignty, but also deals a heavy blow to the arrogance of "Hong Kong independence" elements. Some experts clearly pointed out that the interpretation of the law is not an act divorced from the legal system and cannot be "demonized". Refusing the interpretation of the law by the National People’s Congress is a denial of national sovereignty.

Zou Pingxue, director of the Hong Kong and Macao Basic Law Research Center of Shenzhen University, pointed out that this interpretation of the NPC clarified the legislative intent and legal principles of Article 104 of the Basic Law, which can effectively solve the current legal disputes caused by the swearing-in storm of the elected members, better regulate all future SAR candidates for statutory public office and their swearing-in behaviors, and legally build a "firewall" to strictly curb any illegal acts such as deliberately violating the statutory requirements of swearing-in, flouting the swearing-in procedure according to law, and even advocating "Hong Kong independence" to insult the country and the nation.

Zou Pingxue said that the NPC’s interpretation of the law used legal weapons to punish the illegal acts of "Hong Kong independence" in a timely manner according to law, which dealt a heavy blow to the arrogance of "Hong Kong independence" elements, helped restore the damaged rule of law order, effectively safeguarded "one country, two systems" and effectively safeguarded the authority of the Constitution and the Basic Law. The interpretation of the law by the National People’s Congress once again shows the central government’s initial intention of adhering to "one country, two systems" and its determination to keep "one country, two systems" unchanged. It is unambiguous and unwavering in fulfilling the constitutional responsibilities entrusted by the Constitution and the Basic Law and exercising the constitutional powers entrusted to the central government by the Constitution and the Basic Law.

Guo Zhenglin, deputy director of the Shenzhen Training and Research Center of the Liaison Office, said that the fundamental purpose of the central government’s policies towards Hong Kong is to safeguard national sovereignty, security and development interests and maintain Hong Kong’s long-term prosperity and stability. This is also the core requirement and basic goal of the principle of "one country, two systems". Every interpretation of the law by the central authorities is a constitutional and legal act to revolve around and implement this purpose. Practice has proved that every interpretation of the Basic Law by the Central Committee has solved the problems that the Hong Kong SAR itself cannot solve, ensured the overall stability of Hong Kong and promoted the healthy development of Hong Kong’s politics and economy. This interpretation of the Basic Law by the National People’s Congress once again clarified the bottom line of "one country, two systems", exposed the essence of "Hong Kong independence" forces splitting the country and destroying Hong Kong, determined the political rules of public officials in the SAR, and paved the way for Hong Kong to make every effort to govern.

Kin-Chung Ho, assistant research director of the Hong Kong Policy Research Institute and former political assistant to the Director of the Development Bureau of the Hong Kong SAR Government, said that the interpretation of the law is not an act divorced from the legal system and cannot be "demonized". Refusing the NPC to interpret the law is a denial of sovereignty. As for some people who think that the interpretation of the NPC affects judicial independence, Kin-Chung Ho thinks that as long as a judge can judge a case within the scope of his duties with his free will, it is judicial independence. Whether his judgment will be overturned by a higher court or the interpretation of the NPC has nothing to do with independence.

As for the process of court hearing, should the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress interpret the law? Kin-Chung Ho said that the NPC Standing Committee’s action during the trial was really a last resort and would not set a so-called "precedent".

The power of interpretation of the NPC comes from the Constitution.

Ling Youshi, former senior research director of the Central Policy Unit of the Hong Kong SAR Government, pointed out that the NPC’s timely and active interpretation of the law has set a very good practice model, and what needs to be concerned is whether the interpretation of the law can produce more positive and accurate effects in the future. She pointed out that as for the commissioner for oaths, according to Article 43 of the Basic Law, the commissioner for oaths should be the Chief Executive. Many of the rules of procedure of the Legislative Council are inconsistent with the provisions of the Basic Law and should be amended. Lin Qibin, a partner of Dong Wuxie Hong Kong Law Firm, said that the NPC’s power to interpret the law comes from the Constitution, and the NPC has the right to interpret the Basic Law, rather than interpreting it according to the authorization of the Basic Law. This is a top-down relationship and cannot put the cart before the horse.

Interpretation of the Basic Law conforms to the fundamental interests of Hong Kong and safeguards national sovereignty.

Li Fei, Deputy Secretary-General of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC), insisted at a press conference on November 7th that "the National People’s Congress does not interfere with the judicial independence of Hong Kong", and that the interpretation of the law is to uphold the law, stressing that the independent judicial power and the power of final adjudication of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region are endowed by the Basic Law, and there can be no judicial independence beyond the Basic Law.

Leung Chun-ying, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong, held a press conference on November 7th to express his support for the interpretation of the Basic Law by the National People’s Congress. The Hong Kong SAR Government and the general public must stop any act that deliberately violates the above-mentioned (oath) provisions, flouts the swearing-in procedure according to law, or even takes the opportunity to insult the nation and advocate splitting the country or sovereignty.

A spokesman for the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office said on the 7th that "Hong Kong independence" elements would never be allowed to enter the organs of political power, and the head of the Liaison Office also said that the interpretation of the law would help to resolve the disputes caused by some members-in-waiting of the Hong Kong Legislative Council swearing in violation of the law, safeguard national security, crack down on and contain the "Hong Kong independence" forces, and ensure that the practice of "one country, two systems" in Hong Kong will not be distorted.

In addition, the Hong Kong media also supported the NPC’s interpretation of the Basic Law, believing that this interpretation was not only timely, but also the best way to completely resolve related disputes. Hong Kong people also organized rallies to support the NPC’s interpretation of the Basic Law.

In addition, in response to a statement made by the Taiwan Province Mainland Affairs Council calling on the mainland to keep its promise to Hong Kong, the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council responded strongly on the 8th, saying that we firmly oppose the Taiwan Province authorities making irresponsible remarks, confusing right and wrong and deliberately misleading. Relevant parties in Taiwan Province should stop any words and deeds that interfere with the implementation of "one country, two systems" and undermine the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong.

Recently, British and American media also expressed their "views" on the NPC’s interpretation of the law. The US implied disappointment, and the British media falsely called the NPC’s interpretation "the beginning of the end of Hong Kong". In response, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded strongly that Hong Kong affairs belong to China’s internal affairs and no foreign country should interfere. This interpretation is in the fundamental interests of Hong Kong. China hopes that the international community and relevant countries will recognize the true face of the "Hong Kong independence" forces, fully understand the necessity and rationality of China and the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC)’s interpretation of the Law, support the central government of China and the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in defending national sovereignty, security and unity, and safeguard the long-term prosperity and stability of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

(Observer Network integrates Hong Kong Ming Pao, Dagong.com, etc.)

This article is an exclusive manuscript of Observer. The content of the article is purely the author’s personal opinion, and does not represent the platform’s view. It shall not be reproduced without authorization, otherwise legal responsibility will be investigated. Pay attention to the observer network WeChat guanchacn and read interesting articles every day.